After the Fade

Have Love Songs Made Feeling Poorer? The Singable Romance Amplified by Karaoke

Music; Love Songs; Karaoke; Pop; Criticism
1681 words

Have Love Songs Made Feeling Poorer? The Singable Romance Amplified by Karaoke

Love songs may be the most socially accepted formula sentence in the world.

I want to see you. I cannot forget you. I love you but it does not reach you. We broke up but you are still here. You were the only one. I cannot go back. None of this is false. People do feel these things. The problem is that these lines circulate so easily, get sung so easily, and get shared so easily that the complexity of feeling starts to lose to the ease with which feeling can be said.

I do not mean to say, simply, that I hate love songs. There are countless good ones. It is no surprise that love and loss sit at the center of music. Even so, I think the sheer quantity of love songs in pop music deserves some suspicion.

Because a love song is not only a form that richly describes feeling. It is also a form that sizes feeling into something ready-made.

Love songs are not just universal. They are also a powerful standard

According to a 2023 analysis by Billboard and ChartCipher, love still dominated lyrical themes on major charts, accounting for 44 to 51 percent of songs.1 The fact that pop songs center romance is not exactly shocking anymore.

But it is too quick to explain that by saying love is simply universal.

Love songs are strong not only because romance happens to everyone. They are also strong because they compress emotion into a recognizable shape within three to five minutes. There is a speaker and an addressee. There is distance. There is desire or loss. The chorus lifts emotion one level higher. The structure is powerful. Listeners can place themselves into it almost immediately. It is usable for writers, sellers, and singers alike.

Romance is not only an intense feeling. It is also a feeling that fits format very well.

The vague anger one feels toward family. The erosion of self-respect through work. A slight fracture in friendship. The dull fear of getting older. The slow suffocation of staying in one place. Many people have these feelings too, but they do not move cleanly into a chorus the way romance does. Once you put them into words, they turn muddy. Once you make them into song, they demand more explanation. So pop music often translates them into romance instead.

In songs, romance turns people into roles before they become persons

The "I" and the "you" in love songs are often astonishingly thin.

What you think, what habits you have, what frightens you, what politics, class, or body you live through — these are not especially important. What matters is the role: the one who leaves, the one left behind, the one waiting, the one chasing, the one betraying, the one who cannot be forgotten.

This thinness is not entirely bad. Precisely because it is thin, anyone can enter it. A pop song is not a novel. It has to reach you in a matter of minutes.

But the advantage reverses itself. Once the specificity of romance is shaved away and emotion is arranged into a pattern everyone already knows, we often end up experiencing the form of a love song before we experience our own love. When we are sad, we already know what kind of sadness sounds believable. When we feel lingering attachment, we already know which phrases make it feel legitimate. When we want to feel loved, we already know which borrowed image will make it look right. The template is already in the ear.

In that sense, love songs help. They make feeling speakable. But they also push feelings that have not yet found their own words into something mass-produced too early.

Karaoke turned that ready-made thing into something that sounded like "my voice"

This is where karaoke enters.

The Japanese government magazine Highlighting Japan describes karaoke as a culture born in Japan in the early 1970s and later spread widely through the rise of the karaoke box.2 Karaoke is not just entertainment. It was a technology that let non-singers re-perform someone else's song with their own voice.

That point is enormous.

Love songs are already powerful when we only listen to them. But once they enter karaoke, they become something else. Borrowed feeling can be temporarily privatized through your own breath and inflection.

You can sing a heartbreak song without having been heartbroken. You can sing "you are the only one" without loving anyone quite that much. You can sing a clean goodbye even when you have not actually decided to leave. Karaoke does not ask whether a feeling is true. Instead, it demands that the form of feeling be reproduced with surprising accuracy. Rise where the song swells. Let the breath escape where it must. Tremble where trembling belongs. What comes forward is not the content of feeling so much as its performability.

That is why love songs are strong in karaoke.

Not because they are easy to sing well. But because they make it easy to become convincingly like that.

Karaoke culture democratized romantic feeling. It also standardized it

This is not just an attack on karaoke.

Hideo Watanabe writes about Japanese karaoke as a practice that enables individual expression within a group context.3 Donovan Perry reads the karaoke box as a social space tied to emotional release and the negotiation of relationships.4

That seems right to me. Karaoke was an important escape route in a society not always comfortable with direct emotional display. For the duration of a song, by borrowing someone else's words, people could get a little closer to their own feelings. At office after-parties, among students at night, among friends after a breakup — it has surely worked that way.

But that democratization has side effects.

If everyone can sing, then everyone can also repeat the same emotional gestures. Pain and joy in romance became easier to share through song. But at the same time, the things that are easiest to share came to stand in front as the feelings most worthy of being sung.

Anger is a little hard to handle. The emptiness of labor cools the room too quickly. Politics kills the mood. Family feels too heavy. The complexity of sexuality can feel too exposed. Friendship is embarrassing. Romance is just right. Not too heavy, not too light, personal enough while still easy to bring into public space.

So karaoke did not merely spread love songs explosively. It provided the social setting in which love songs function most naturally.

Love songs sometimes become not a shelter for feeling, but a substitute for it

This is the point where I most want to be critical.

Love songs sometimes help feeling. They give contour to what cannot yet be said. On a night of heartbreak, they can sound like words someone else has spoken first on your behalf. There is real consolation in that.

But love songs can also become a substitute for feeling.

Something that is not really about romance gets processed as romance.
What hurts is not truly the other person but the collapse of one's self-image, and the difference goes unexamined.
The real issue is loneliness, class, gender, or labor, but it gets translated into "I want to see you."

Love songs translate complex experience into romance. Translation itself is not evil. But when the translation becomes too strong, the unevenness of the original experience disappears.

In pop music, romance is often sung as the most personal thing. But in practice it is also the most socially trained personal feeling. How to love, how to be hurt, how to long, how to perform not being able to forget — those ways of acting emotion are distributed culturally in advance.

And yet some love songs do remain

At this point it may sound as if I am saying all love songs are bad. I am not.

The love songs that remain are the ones that sing romance without fleeing into romance as a generality. They write the other person not as a role but as someone with habits and awkward edges. They refuse to file everything into the beautiful shape of longing and instead leave in the ugliness, silence, and time-lag of feeling. Or they sing love while still letting class, city, family, body, and gender resonate behind it.

Songs like that are not really singing love as such. They are singing what love does to a person, how it bends them out of shape.

What I want to distrust is not love songs themselves so much as the condition in which love songs alone get to act like the king of all feeling.

What remained

I think about nights of singing love songs in karaoke.

What remains is not whether someone sang well, but that someone laughed and said, "I know that song." What remains is the brief instant when a song that belonged to someone else sounded, somehow, like it was yours. There is real relief in that moment. It is not fake.

But afterward I still want to pause.

Did I really sing that feeling?
Or did I simply fit myself into a form of feeling made easy to sing?
What was it that I could not sing that night?

Love songs have made our emotions richer. That is probably true. But at the same time, they have lined up our emotions again and again behind the single royal road of romance.

Karaoke made that line-up even more intimate, more harmless, and more endlessly repeatable.

So criticizing love songs does not mean mocking love.
It means distrusting a condition in which romance alone circulates as the kind of feeling worthy of being sung.

It feels to me that only from that distrust can pop music for emotions not yet sung finally begin.

  1. Billboard / ChartCipher, “The Most Common Lyrical Themes & Moods on Billboard’s Charts: Love Songs in the Lead.” An analysis reporting that love accounted for 44 to 51 percent of songs on major charts in 2023. https://www.billboard.com/pro/common-lyrical-themes-moods-billboard-charts-2023/

  2. Highlighting Japan, “The Rise of Karaoke.” An overview of karaoke as a Japanese cultural form and of the spread of the karaoke box. https://www.gov-online.go.jp/pdf/hlj/20180601/28-29.pdf

  3. Hideo Watanabe, “Karaoke Learning in Japan: Individual Expression in a Group Context.” A reading of karaoke as individual expression within a collective context. https://asian.fiu.edu/jsr/watanabe-karaoke-learning-in-japan-individual-expression.pdf

  4. Donovan Reuel Perry, Coming of Age in the Box: Social Function and Japanese Karaoke. A study of the social function of the karaoke box. https://collections.lib.utah.edu/ark:/87278/s6gx4sdk